Transactional politics

August 25, 2009

STORIES on Megaworld’s thinning enthusiasm in pursuing its multibillion peso development projects at the old Iloilo airport in Mandurriao, Iloilo City sound very familiar.  Sources say Megaworld is now on wait-and-see attitude.

Why?

Did its owners encounter a corrupt politician at City Hall?

Did the company get disillusioned with City Hall after its offer to host the new Iloilo City Hall got waylaid in the City Council?   

In the past serious investors left the city in a huff after pseudo public servants demanded hefty amount of money before they can even start their business ventures.

Informal fees in doing business almost always spell the death knell of vital projects in a community.

Development and urbanization experts define informal fees as forms of bribery and corruption of bureaucrats and politicians before investors start their businesses.

The 2007 Philippine Cities Competitiveness Rating Project (which was mounted by the Asian Institute of Management and other private sector partners) enumerated informal fees as one of the main issues in the cost of doing business in cities.

Combined with inefficient bureaucratic processes and requirements and heavy burden of business taxes, bribes and other forms of informal fees drive investors away.

The PCCRP survey also confirms that some city officials actually demand grease money from investors lest their lives will end up miserable.

International financial agencies estimate billions of pesos are lost to graft and corruption in the country, including lost opportunities due to investor flight.

The World Bank estimated that the Philippines lost $48 billion (P1.968 trillion) to corruption from 1977 to 1997.

Iloilo City has more natural and human resources in supporting big time investors. Compared to Cebu, Iloilo is better off in terms of raw materials and manpower.

But sadly, Cebu overtook Iloilo in the race to economic prominence. Next to Metro Manila, Metro Cebu is an investor’s pick even if it geologists classify the island as a very big limestone rock.

In Iloilo City, electricity rates are prohibitive, the water supply almost non-existent and our city hall “squats” inside a mall. A 30-minute downpour is enough to inundate portions of the city, particularly business areas.

Worse, some bureaucrats and politicians squeeze whatever they can get from investors.

The challenge for the new set of leaders who will be elected next year is to banish the practice of transactional politics at the City Hall. Any candidate who professes that he or she is clean and professional governance should not inherit the mantle of Mr. 20 percent.

Megaworld and other potential investors will bring not just taxes and fees to City Hall but also jobs and other opportunities to the community.

Investors come here for the long term, not one shot deals who will disappear in the dark of the night after raking in profit. A burgeoning business community is one of the best legacies any politician or bureaucrat can leave their constituents. Driving investors away is worst sin a public official can commit to his people.

Iloilo City has been the subject of ridicules, the butt of all jokes and recipients of elegiacs because of our backwater status despite its potentials.


Filipinos nostalgic for a past triumph

August 20, 2009

By Seth Mydans/Int’l  Herald Tribune

MANILA — When former President Corazon C. Aquino died this month, Filipinos filled the streets in mourning and in celebration of the golden moment in 1986 when she led them in a peaceful uprising that some called a revolution.

The nation’s dictator, Ferdinand E. Marcos, had fled as masses of people faced down his tanks, and democracy was restored after 20 years of repressive rule. Mrs. Aquino, the opposition leader who became president, ushered in wide-ranging political reforms.

But the weeks since Mrs. Aquino’s death at the age of 76 have been a period of self-examination and self-doubt among many Filipinos, as they consider how little has really changed since then.

“The legacy is the mess we are in,” said F. Sionil Jose, 84, the nation’s most prominent novelist, pointing to continuing poverty, inequality and political disarray as evidence that the nation failed to capitalize on its moment of possibility.

“We have a word for it — sayang — ‘what a waste,’” he said.

In schools, coffeehouses, rice fields, churches and offices around Manila and in the countryside, there seemed to be a shared sense that the people of the Philippines had failed themselves.

“We thought all we needed to do was remove the dictator and do nothing about it,” said Teresita I. Barcelo, president of the Philippine Nurses Association. “We thought the problem was just the dictator. I say the problem is us. We did not change.”

Sister Dory Reyes, 61, a former Roman Catholic nun and teacher in the farming town of Santa Maria, said: “The poverty is still there. The corruption is still there. Unemployment is still there. I don’t see improvement.”

The Philippines, with a population of 92 million, is one of the most vibrant nations in Asia, with a flamboyantly free press and a creative, assertive body of independent organizations and interest groups.

But it has not managed to tame its Communist and Muslim insurgencies or its restive military, which seems constantly to be plotting coups. The military has regularly been accused of human rights abuses and disappearances.

And the political arena sometimes seems more like a form of mass entertainment than a place of governance.

Since Mrs. Aquino left office in 1992, there have been three presidential elections, two attempts at impeachment, two apparent attempts to stay in power through constitutional change, one popular uprising that ousted an elected president and another that failed.

“We keep coming up with new ways to describe the country,” said Sheila Coronel, director of the Stabile Center for Investigative Journalism at Columbia University in New York, who for years was a leading journalist in the Philippines.

“Democracy in decay, a nonfunctioning democracy, a challenged democracy,” Ms. Coronel said, listing some of the epithets. “There was a time when the phrase ‘illiberal democracy’ was fashionable.”

Almost nothing in the Philippines escapes politics, and Mrs. Aquino’s funeral procession on Aug. 5 has been widely seen as a protest against the unpopular incumbent president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, whose term is scheduled to end next May.

“When Cory’s term ended, she did not seek to extend her stay,” said Consolacion Paje, 53, a housewife, as she stood in the rain with tens of thousands of people to view the funeral cortege, referring to Mrs. Aquino by her common nickname. “That’s what makes her different from Gloria. Cory was honest. She had integrity.”

Mrs. Arroyo is barred from running for a second six-year term as president. But the nation is transfixed by the possibility that she could amend the Constitution and stay in power as prime minister in a parliamentary system, a concern she sought to tamp down last month during her state of the nation address.

Despite constant attacks on her, Mrs. Arroyo is a ferocious politician, and she has already used her majority backing in Congress to turn aside attempts at impeachment.

With so much energy expended on political theater, not much progress has been made in improving the lives of ordinary Filipinos in a nation where 30 percent of the population lives below the poverty line.

“Things get harder and harder every year,” said Ernesto Policarpio, 74, a farmer in Santa Maria, 20 miles northeast of Manila, who sells snacks and supplies from a stall by his rice field for extra income.

He paused to sell a single cigarette to a young man who lighted it with a lighter hanging from a string.

“But here in the province you don’t feel the hard times as much as in the city,” he said. “Here if you have nothing to eat you can always go to the neighbor and ask for food.”

Mr. Policarpio said he had worked abroad for a while, as many Filipinos have, earning $2,000 a month as a security guard in Los Angeles until the economy stumbled and he headed home.

Eight million Filipinos work overseas, or 25 percent of the country’s work force, its leading export. They send home about $17 billion a year, accounting for 13 percent of gross domestic product in 2007, according to the World Bank.

Before the financial crisis, the Philippine economy was growing by an average of more than 5 percent a year, World Bank figures show. But even that was not fast enough to outpace some of the world’s worst corruption or a birthrate that will bring the population to an estimated 101 million by 2015.

Many families here depend on remittances from abroad, and an overseas job can be one of the highest ambitions for the upwardly mobile.

“I’m optimistic,” said Danica Canonigo, 16, a high school student in Santa Maria. “I’m looking forward to another future in another country.”

This umbilical connection to the outside world may come in part from the history of the Philippines, which was an American colony for half a century, until 1946, after spending 400 years as a colony of Spain.

“We are not yet a nation,” said Mr. Jose, the novelist. “This is the whole problem. We have all the trappings of a modern state, but we are not yet a nation.”

The Philippines remains a collection of fiefdoms and oligarchies and political dynasties that include the children of Mr. Marcos and of Mrs. Aquino. She was herself elected as the widow of a prominent politician, Benigno S. Aquino Jr.

“I’m for Noynoy,” said Win Rico, 25, who serves coffee at a Starbucks outlet in Santa Maria, referring to Senator Benigno S. Aquino III. Mr. Aquino’s name has become a hot item in next year’s presidential election maneuvers since his mother’s funeral.

“I think Noynoy is a person who will put our country first,” Mr. Rico said, “the same as his father and his mother.”


Life after Cory

August 10, 2009

WE bid goodbye to former President Cory Aquino, the woman who mothered an oppressed nation when she could have chosen to care for her own children alone.

Cory espoused and fought for the Filipinos’ aspirations for democracy and prosperity when she could have opted to become an ordinary widow of a martyr.

The Aquino administration was not heaven on earth as everybody expected it to be after the dictatorship was toppled. Upon assumption to power, Aquino supporters jostled for juicy position while remnants of the old regime feigned loyalty to the new order.

While Mrs. Aquino instituted land reform, her family, which owns vast track of lands in Tarlac, was assailed for dodging the law. Talks with rebels were snail-paced even as disgruntled segments of the military tried to bomb her out of Malacañang.

Cory, however, will always be revered as an icon of democracy, a heroine who rose from ordinariness to courageous leadership despite the odds she faced. She mustered the courage to lead because she listened to her people’s clamor.

It is unfortunate that while Cory was still alive, the very people who benefited from her sacrifices are trying to undo the gains of the EDSA People Power Revolution. Charter change, term extension, political and media killings and blatant corruption have replaced the ideas of good governance, democracy and liberty that emanated from that bloodless revolution.

Once Cory is laid to rest, there is a lingering fear that the young will not recognize her or the greedy will bring us back to the dark period that we sought to banish.

After all the tributes and gratitude we expressed for Cory, bigger challenges await us after her burial, and that is the preservation of our democratic ideals and fulfilling our aspirations for clean governance.

Certainly, Cory would continue to pray for the Philippine wherever she is now. Until her last days, she did raise our country to God’s mercy and graces.

But now that she is gone, we must couple prayers with vigilance, hope with decisive action, particularly in the 2010 elections.

We bid farewell to Cory as we lay her to rest, but we should not bury the memories of an ordinary housewife who rose to lead a hopeful nation.

RONIN

Francis Allan L. Angelo

The Daily Guardian

5 August 2009


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